Bahai News -- Iranian exile pays dearly for political choice Khomeini backer saw promise of justice betrayed
[ The Atlanta Journal-Constitution: 8/7/02 ]
Iranian exile pays dearly for political choice
By USHMA PATEL
Khomeini backer saw promise of justice betrayed
Atlanta Journal-Constitution Staff Writer
In 1979, in his native Iran, Nader Rastegar chose his ideals over his family, his fortune and his friends.
BITA HONARVAR / StaffNader Rastegar of Atlanta once supported Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini but eventually decided the regime was tantamount
to a crime against humanity.
Area: 1.02 million square miles.
Climate: Mostly arid or semiarid, subtropical along the Caspian Sea coast.
Terrain: Rugged, mountainous rim; high, central basin with deserts, mountains; small, discontinuous plains along both coasts.
Natural resources: Petroleum, natural gas, coal, chromium, copper, iron ore, lead, manganese, zinc and sulfur.
Population (2001 estimate): 66,128,965.
Racial/ethnic makeup (in percentages): Persian, 51; Azeri, 24; Gilaki and Mazandarani, 8; Kurd, 7; Arab, 3; Lur, 2;
Baloch, 2; Turkmen, 2; other, 1.
Religions (in percentages): Shiite Muslim, 89; Sunni Muslim, 10; Zoroastrian, Jewish, Christian and Baha'i, 1.
Languages (in percentages): Persian and Persian dialects, 58; Turkic and Turkic dialects, 26; Kurdish, 9; Luri, 2;
Balochi, 1; Arabic, 1; Turkish, 1; other, 2.
Type: Islamic republic.
Executive branch: Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Ali Hoseini-Khamenei; President Mohammad
Legislative branch: Unicameral Islamic Consultative Assembly.
Gross domestic product (2000 estimate): $413 billion.
Gross domestic product per capita (2000 estimate): $6,300.
Source: CIA World Factbook
The country was in revolutionary ferment, and Rastegar, a member of a wealthy family, had picked his side: the Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini's Islamic troops, over the elite that had ruled under the Shah.
As he looks back from the comfort of his rebuilt life in Atlanta, Rastegar regrets the decision but not the motivation. His commitment
to "liberty, equality and justice" remains strong, he says, despite his alienation by some members of the Iranian community in the metro
"I have an aunt in Atlanta who doesn't talk to me anymore," says Rastegar. "She said, 'You made us miserable; now you are here living a
Longtime friend Nasrolah Farokhi sums up some of the feelings among Iranians in Atlanta toward a man who helped Georgia State University
launch its Persian Studies Program with a $250,000 contribution and has also paid for a building at the Lovett School in Buckhead.
"He has a social and political consciousness in his own right," Farokhi says. "He's very opinionated, he's very open, and he doesn't
Rastegar was raised in one of the wealthiest families in Iran. His father, Morteza, known as "the father of mining in Iran," brought the
family to prominence.
"We saw my father very occasionally," Rastegar says. In his absence, "my mother set up the image of a deity."
Rastegar grew up trying to emulate his father, even majoring in mining engineering in college in the United States. In 1976, he returned
to Iran to complete his mandatory military service.
Soon, he began to attend nightly religious sessions with young men who he says are now the Islamists in power in Iran. He also joined
the street protests against the Shah.
Within the confines of his home, Rastegar often railed against Iran's wealthy elite and the corruption of the Shah's regime. His father
took the comments personally, a result Rastegar didn't intend.
"Many of us wanted a better future for Iran," he says. "We wanted liberty, equality and justice, and we thought he [Khomeini] would
Rastegar's awakening came soon after, once Khomeini and his fellow mullahs took up the reins of power from the departed Shah. Rastegar
began seeing signs that he had been misled about the revolution.
"They said that rights of ownership and property were inviolable. After the revolution [in 1979], it went out the door. It was a
Communist revolution with the label 'Islamic revolution.'
"The last straw was when I learned they [were] executing 12-year-old girls. I said, 'This is no longer the Islam I believe in. Any
support to this regime is tantamount to a crime against humanity.' "
By 1981, the Rastegar family had lost its fortune, and many of its members had fled the country. Rastegar stayed behind in Tehran but
sent his wife, Soheila, and their infant daughter to Britain. One day in November that year, troops from the Revolutionary Guards knocked on
Rastegar's door and accused him of dealing heroin.
"They said, 'We have to take you to the committee of the Ayatollah Khalkhali' -- who was executing hundreds of people without a trial."
Rastegar's gardener and neighbors came to his aid and scared away the guards. They left but vowed to come back the next morning.
"I realized that it was a matter of hours that I had left," Rastegar says. "Immediately I left home. I took only a few clothes."
He went into hiding for two weeks, sleeping in a different place each night, and put out the word that he was looking for someone to
smuggle him into Turkey. Finally he succeeded.
Smugglers covered Rastegar and a few others with a blanket in the back of a jeep and drove them to northwestern Iran, which was
controlled by Kurdish guerrillas. For the next three days, he and the rest of the group traveled by mule for up to 18 hours a day until they
crossed the Turkish border.
Once in Turkey, he went to the British Consulate, where his family had cleared the way to obtain a visa to England.
"From there on," he says, "I started living life."
Rastegar and his younger brother Farzad legally entered the United States in 1982, and the onetime Islamic revolutionary managed to
obtain financial backing for several business ventures he started with his brother.
Rastegar and Soheila moved around for two years, from Texas to California, and settled in Atlanta in 1984. By then they had two
daughters; another was born in 1990. Rastegar got involved in construction and development projects before becoming a private equities
Rastegar wishes the Islamic revolution had turned out differently and now says he was "young and stupid" for blindly believing in the
promise of change. Still, he says, "I don't regret that I had ideals. The ideals which I had then I still have, and I am very proud of them."
The current state of poverty, injustice and despair in Iran troubles Rastegar as much as it did during the Shah's rule, but he now calls
himself a pacifist.
And he managed to patch up relations with his father. "I was angry that I spent all my life trying to please him, and he was never
happy," Rastegar says. "Toward the end, he was a much better father. In the last five years of his life our relationship had flowered -- that's
why I'm still grieving three years after his death."
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